Philadelphia Police: A History of Corruption

This post is part of Philly Power Research's “Beyond Policing” series. This series is continuing work that was previously led by Movement Alliance Project (MAP) over the past two years exploring how Philadelphia can invest in our communities to improve public safety instead of investing in policing. MAP's "Safety We Can Feel" campaign included a survey of 1300 Philadelphia residents and dozens of interviews on how to build strong, healthy, and safe communities.

Still image from security camera footage of police disabling a security camera during raid on a West Oak Lane corner store, 2007.

Philadelphia Police officer disables a security camera during a raid on a West Oak Lane corner store, 2007. (Philadelphia Daily News)

The Philadelphia Police Department was established in 1855 by an ordinance of the Philadelphia Common Council.1 The mayor could give direct orders to the 820 officers and the Marshal of Police could suspend law as they saw necessary. Officers were to “arrest idle, suspicious, or disorderly persons.”2 In an 1856 message to the City Council, Mayor Robert Conrad stated that police officers should be of American birth and between 23-50 years old. One of his stated reasons for the necessity of the new municipal police force was that “perverted immigration has filled our cities with pauperism, filled our cities with the transported criminals of Europe.”3

Police corruption has existed in Philadelphia for as long as the police department itself, which has been the subject of investigations by federal, state, and local authorities and several grand juries. Major police corruption scandals seem to occur with regularity, and each time a familiar cycle repeats– revelation, investigation, officers shuffled around districts, few corrupt cops are convicted, many are reinstated with back pay, some are promoted. Mayors, police commissioners, politicians, and the Fraternal Order of Police decry a few “bad apples” and deny systemic police corruption. A short lived task force is formed, which issues a report with recommendations that are ignored. The task force quietly disbands, a powerless police “advisory” board remains underfunded while the police get a raise. As scholar Chenjerai Kumanyika noted: “Philly’s corruption seems to be extremely consistent throughout its history. I’ve found that there really hasn’t been a 10-year period where [the Philadelphia Police Department] has not had some major scandal since it was founded. At a certain point, it doesn’t make sense to call it corruption anymore. This is how this organization functions.”4

At the founding of the police department, officers were banned from having a side job or other income and could be fired for accepting gifts or rewards.5 The very next year, the rule was changed to allow police, at the discretion of the Mayor, to receive gifts from anyone who felt they benefited from the services of the police.6 During this era, policing was primarily a political patronage job, which led to extensive police corruption.7 Wards and police districts often shared boundaries8 and ward leaders were effectively police captains. Ward leaders had a powerful political influence over police districts, and both the mayor and ward leaders didn’t hesitate to use police for political purposes. It was an environment that easily bred corruption, and investigations would soon follow.9

In the years leading up to the first grand jury investigation of the Philadelphia Police Department, public allegations and evidence of police corruption steadily increased.

In 1905, the “Vice Commission of Eight,” a group of eight interfaith leaders issued a report detailing twenty cases of collusion between police and “leaders of various resorts of vice,” and named corrupted police lieutenants and officers. Commission chair Issac T. Johnson said “it will prove what we said could be proven– namely, that there is collusion between the Department of Public Safety and vice.”10

On primary election day, Sept. 19, 1917,11 police Lieutenant Davis Bennett murdered a detective in the 5th ward. This incident led to a grand jury investigation of Mayor Thomas B. Smith and the police, on charges of violations of the Shern law, which had outlawed the use of police for political purposes.12 Investigations by Philadelphia’s District Attorney found evidence that “police and politicians were profiting by protection of vice dens in this city.”13 In 1918, the mayor reassigned several police lieutenants to other districts in response to the investigation. District Attorney Rotan thought the reassignments were insufficient: “All the police transfers will amount to nothing without removals of higher-up police officials.”14 The grand jury recommended the impeachment of the Mayor and the removal of the Director of Public Safety.15 At trial, the mayor was acquitted and the Director of Public Safety stayed in office.16

In 1918, another committee of religious groups released a report that investigated vice conditions in Philadelphia wards. The report alleged that the police department protected and participated in vice operations.17 Committee chair Rev. Dr. Delk anticipated Director of Public Safety Wilson would ask why the group made the report public instead of bringing it to the police. Delk said, “We have repeatedly gone to the office with complaints, but nothing has ever been accomplished. We are tired of bringing complaints to the police officials, who do nothing to remedy conditions.”18

On Jan. 7, 1924, General Smedley Butler was hired as Director of Public Safety to reform the police department. On first arriving in Philadelphia he said, “grafting on the force is the real root of the police corruption evil. If policemen can get $150 or $200 a month from law-breakers in return for closing their eyes to what is going on and with no fear of dismissal, it is small wonder that they stoop to graft.”19 The next year, two police officials and 37 patrolmen, all from the station at Trenton & Dauphin, were brought to trial for corruption and collusion, with 200 suspended awaiting trial. However, these officers were to be tried first by a police board of inquiry, composed of five police officers, and then potentially by the Civil Service Commission Trial Board, where they could be fired.20 Butler left Philadelphia in 1925.21

In the 1927 mayoral election, candidate Harry A. Mackey alleged widespread police corruption under the administration of Mayor W. Freeland Kendrick. Mackey campaigned saying that a police lieutenant could be bribed with $200 a week, and that corrupt police were collectively receiving hundreds of thousands of dollars a month.22 He easily won the election.

In 1928, eight years of prohibition had increased gang violence and bootlegging in Philadelphia, with some 20 murders attributed to turf wars between gangs.23 A grand jury was empaneled by Quarter Sessions Court Judge Edwin O. Lewis24 to investigate organized crime and police bribes.25 The police were generally uncooperative with the investigation.26 The grand jury report found that half of the supervising officers were corrupt27 and estimated police were paid $2 million ($32M in 2021 dollars) a year to ignore and protect gang activity. One corrupt police captain took $200,000 ($3M in 2021 dollars) in just two years.”28 At least 89 officers including supervisors and an assistant superintendent were suspended, 103 were fired, and 63 officers were arrested.29 4,500 officers were reassigned.30 Only two police captains and a ward leader went to prison on corruption charges.31

Less than 10 years later, a second grand jury was initiated in 1937 by District Attorney Charles F. Kelly and Court of Common Pleas Judge Curtis Bok32 to investigate connections between police, politicians and illegal gambling operations, with the assistance of the FBI and the Treasury Department.33 Again, police were uncooperative with the investigation, and sometimes failed to arrest individuals who were indicted.34 The grand jury report found that police corruption had expanded and had become systemic.35 Five police supervisors, 47 police officers and 142 gambling house operators were indicted,36 as was Mayor S. Davis Wilson.37 Mayor Wilson denied that police were corrupt and had failed to enforce the law. Instead he blamed the District Attorney for being too lenient and failing to prosecute criminal cases.38

In November 1938, the grand jury’s funding was withdrawn by Pennsylvania Governor George Howard Earle III. In a written statement, the grand jury claimed this was a deliberate act intended to prematurely end their investigation: “The Governor of Pennsylvania has ordered that no expenses of this investigation be paid by the State after Nov. 15, 1938. This is not a sudden move, but is the culminating act of long-continued opposition which has completely crippled our work.”39 Ultimately, Court of Common Pleas Judge Harry S. McDevitt dismissed the charges against Mayor Wilson. The charges against Police Superintendent Hubbs were dismissed in April 1939 by Judge Robert Lamberton, who himself was elected mayor months later. Charges against all police officers were dropped.40

In 1951, the Kefauver committee, a US Senate panel investigating organized crime, alleged that corrupt Philadelphia cops were taking $152,000 a month41 and were protecting “one of the nation's largest and most efficient numbers rackets.”42 The Philadelphia District Attorney alleged that police were paid protection money43 and a grand jury was again empaneled, presided over by Judge Lewis44, the same judge who presided over the 1928 grand jury. Lewis instructed the grand jury to investigate alleged collaboration between public officials and gambling operations. This investigation had the support of police officials and civic organizations.45 As part of its investigation, the grand jury asked each officer to fill out a six page survey, which was opposed by the Fraternal Order of Police as “illegal, downright degrading and an insult to every police officer and his family.”46

The grand jury report enumerated multiple instances of police corruption, including police officers receiving cars and one receiving a $100 suit ($1072 in 2021 dollars) with at least 50 other officers receiving similar menswear.47 This grand jury failed to issue an indictment. The presiding judge claimed it was poorly conducted in some respects and District Attorney Richardson Dilworth said it was insufficiently funded.48 Reflecting on the grand jury, Judge Lewis said, “Without some permanent organization maintaining a continuous civic probing for corruption there can be no permanent reform.”49

Front page of the Philadelphia Inquirer, Nov. 19, 1971. The paper became a target of police supporters after reporting on police corruption.

Front page of the Philadelphia Inquirer, Nov. 19, 1971. The paper became a target of police supporters after reporting on police corruption.

In November 1971, the Pennsylvania Crime Commission opened an investigation into Philadelphia Police corruption following Philadelphia Inquirer reporting about police misconduct in the 17th police district.50 That same month, Sixth District Police Commander Robert Frederick resigned from the police force and authored a front page story for the Inquirer. He wrote, “About 90 percent of the officers, I suppose, are well aware of the corruption in the department. I guess a little less than half actually participate in one way or another.”51

The Inquirer was targeted for its reporting on police corruption. Police supporters picketed the paper and blocked delivery trucks. Inquirer attorneys served the picketers a temporary restraining order.52

Policemen’s Wives Picket Philadelphia Inquirer Loading Docks, 11/21/1971 Inquirer photo

Policemen’s Wives Picket Philadelphia Inquirer Loading Docks, 11/21/1971 Inquirer photo (Joseph Coleman)

Fraternal Order of Police Lodge #5 sued the Inquirer for reporting on police corruption, seeking $10,000 per officer for a total of $80 million ($551 million in 2021).53 Police Commissioner Joseph F. O’Neill, who had been appointed as Acting Commissioner 10 months earlier when Frank Rizzo resigned to run for mayor, said that he “wouldn’t be surprised” about corruption in the police department, adding, “Every large business has a few bad apples.”54 A former officer in the 17th district said that between 1967 and 1969, all but two officers in the whole district were corrupt. Cases of corruption were reported at 13 out of 22 police districts.55 Commissioner O’Neill reassigned the inspectors seven police divisions and reassigned 19 of 22 police district captains.56

The Pennsylvania Crime Commission held hearings on corruption in the police department in 1971. In 1974 they released an 874-page report specifically detailing incidents and patterns of police corruption, finding that “police corruption in Philadelphia is ongoing, widespread, systematic, and occurring at all levels of the Police Department.”57 By the end of the investigation, seven 17th district officers were arrested and four were convicted.58 Reverend Charles Walker from Local Operation PUSH (People United to Save Humanity) said that Mayor Rizzo and Commissioner O’Neill had failed to review the criminal justice system objectively and asked for a Congressional investigation focused on Philadelphia. He cited that crimes are often not reported because of “lack of confidence in police and the inability to determine which police are criminals and which ones aren’t. We are quite aware that many of the criminals which terrorize the community are men walking around with badges.”59

In 1974, a special prosecutor was appointed by Governor Shapp to follow up on the Pennsylvania Crime Commission report on “Police Corruption and the Quality of Law Enforcement in Philadelphia." The investigation went nowhere. A report written by Sam Dash, a former Philadelphia assistant district attorney, blamed the failure of the investigation on Police Commissioner O’Neill, who refused to surrender police records or suspend officers who were indicted, and the delay tactics and inaction of Philadelphia judges.

In 1977, the 17th police district was again the focus of a police corruption investigation. Three officers had solicited money from an illegal lottery operator in exchange for ignoring his operation. Commissioner O’Neill transferred 137 officers out of the 17th district.60 The three officers were convicted and sentenced to three months in prison.61

In 1981, officer George L. Woods entered the “Morning Glory Club”, a center city massage parlor, and made it known to an employee that he expected payment if the club were to continue operating. Officer Woods later met the owner of the club, Donald Hersing, at a diner on Lehigh Ave., where he slid a napkin with “$500” written on it across the table.62 Hersing then contacted an acquaintance in the FBI. In an interview, Hersing said, “I don't like crooked cops. If you're gonna be a bandit, be a bandit. But if you're gonna be a cop, be a cop.”63 Hersing met with FBI agents and agreed to record his conversations with the police,64 which began a seven year FBI investigation of the Philadelphia Police Department, resulting in the convictions of 33 officers.65 A federal prosecutor summarized the case, saying “​​Honesty, Integrity and Service, is the motto of the Philadelphia Police Department. Honesty and integrity are some of the things the defendants sold every month.”66 The head of the FBI office in Philadelphia said police corruption was “inbred” on the force.67

From the early 1980s to present day, there seems to be a pattern of police corruption moving away from somewhat “passive” enterprise, such as accepting bribes, into more “active” enterprise, like extortion and the re-sale of confiscated narcotics. Yet the lust for fine menswear, free of charge, seems to remain constant. A 1987 report by the Philadelphia Police Study Task force found that “traditions guide the department, rather than the challenge of the future. A history of favoritism, corruption, and brutality hangs over it.”68

In the early 1980s, a group of five officers from the “One Squad” narcotics unit were arrested for selling drugs confiscated from dealers.69 The five were charged with racketeering, bribery, theft and possession and delivery of drugs.70 Two officers were convicted; William McQuillan was sentenced to 4 to 10 years and Corporal James Hill was sentenced to 2 to 10 years. Assistant District Attorney Anthony J. Wzorek said, “This was a fairly systematic, organized thing.”71

Between 1980 and 1984, members of the “Five Squad” narcotics unit stole money and drugs from suspected drug dealers.72 The unit was formed in the 1970s and operated city wide.73 In a 161-page federal indictment, six officers, including a lieutenant, were accused of stealing drugs and $400,000 ($1.4M in 2021) in cash74 over the four year period.75 Officers Charlie Hund and Leo Ryan cooperated with the investigation, Hund was a member of both One Squad and Five Squad.76

The six officers were tried for three sets of conspiracies - to commit racketeering, to distribute drugs, and to obstruct justice.77 Four officers were convicted: John Wilson, commander of Five Squad, was jailed for 5 years.78 James Cattalo and David Grove were sentenced to 15 years, and Sergeant Ronald Giongo was sentenced to five years.”79 The FOP later sued unsuccessfully to have two convicted cops, Wilson and Grove, reinstated in 1995.80 Earlier that year, the FOP had its own corruption scandal when FOP President John Shaw and FOP Treasurer Anthony LaSalle were convicted on charges of racketeering, bribery and mail fraud.81

In 1995, five officers from the 39th police district at 22nd and Hunting Park were indicted by a federal grand jury on charges of robbery, civil rights violations and theft. The 63-page indictment alleged that between 1988 and 1991 they had stolen $100,000 in cash, conducted warrantless searches, seized and kept drugs, and planted drugs on civilians. The federal investigation began after a Cheltenham Township insurance company worker told authorities that the officers thought he was a drug dealer, apprehended him, put a gun to his head, and threatened his life.82 By 1997 eight officers had pleaded guilty to corruption charges, including framing, robbing and beating drug suspects, and perjuring themselves in court.83 Prosecutors recommended leniency because the officers cooperated with the investigation. John “Wacky Jackie” Baird was sentenced to 13 years; later reduced to 4 ½ years.84 Steven Brown and James Ryan were sentenced to 8-10 years, James Ryan was sentenced to 8 years, and Thomas Ryan was sentenced to 10 months.85 As of 1998, approximately 170 convictions had been overturned in connection with the convicted officers and the city paid nearly $5 million ($8.5M in 2021) to settle civil cases filed by people who were assaulted by the officers or wrongfully imprisoned.86

The NAACP, ACLU, and the Police-Barrio Relations Project prepared a class-action lawsuit to file against the city regarding the civil rights abuses that happened in the 39th district. The parties settled out of court with the understanding that the suit would be brought if the city failed to meet the terms set forth in an agreement made on Sept. 4, 1996. This agreement resulted in the creation of a Police Integrity and Accountability Officer, a “Police Corruption Task Force,” some changes to internal police department policies, and court mandated monitoring to ensure the city was meeting the terms.87 James B. Jordan was appointed as Integrity and Accountability Officer.88 At the press conference announcing the agreement, there was still disagreement between community groups and city officials about the extent of corruption in the Philadelphia Police Department. Mayor Ed Rendell said, “There is no systematic and wide-spread police corruption in the Philadelphia police force.” Thornhill Cosby, president of the Philadelphia branch of the NAACP disagreed; “Everybody who has experience and has lived in Philadelphia knows that there are more than just a half dozen police officers who were the bad apples in this police department.”89 The Integrity and Accountability Officer compiled yearly reports from 1997 to 2004.90 In 2004, the court mandate expired and no further reports were filed.91

At the end of 2008, Ventura “Benny” Martinez believed that his life was in danger because of his work as a police informant. He sought help from Wellington Stubbs, Chief Inspector92 at the city’s Police Advisory Commission, which is a city agency tasked with police oversight. Stubbs knew the Police Advisory Commission was underfunded and almost completely powerless, so he gave Martinez the contact info of a reporter at the Philadelphia Daily News.93 After speaking extensively with Daily News reporters Wendy Ruderman and Barbara Laker, they advised Martinez to speak with FBI agent John Roberts, who had previously investigated police corruption in the 39th district in the 1990s.94

The first stories in the Daily News reported that Martinez lived in a house owned by Officer Jeff Cujdik, and that Cujdik had lied on search warrant applications. The FBI and city agencies began a joint investigation. Later stories reported repeated sexual assaults by Officer ​​Thomas Tolstoy95 and raids on corner stores where police cut wires of security cameras and stole cash and merchandise.96 In at least one instance, officers returned to a corner store to retrieve footage that recorded their previous raid, held a gun to the owner’s head and demanded the footage.97

Police raid West Oak Lane corner store and disable security cameras in 2007.

Emilio Vargas, who owned the building containing one of the raided stores, said “I used to believe in justice in America. I don't know now. It makes me question the justice system.”99 ACLU legal director Vic Walczak said immigrant store owners are "easy targets" of police abuse because they're not likely to file complaints. "[The officers] seem to be preying on what is a particularly vulnerable population."100

Four years later, federal authorities and the office of Philadelphia District Attorney Seth Williams announced that they had decided not to prosecute the officers.101 The FBI had interviewed some corner store owners but did not follow up. None of the women who reported being sexually assaulted were contacted. None of the victims were asked to testify to a grand jury.102 When one of the victims of the alleged sexual assaults learned that no officers would be charged they said, “They raided people's homes based on lies. There was a pervert – a cop – who was sexually molesting women and they were robbing stores. They're caught on camera, yet they get away with it.” FOP President John McNesby said that he knew “from Day One that all of these guys were aboveboard.”103

Lady Gonzalez interview with the Philadelphia Daily News. [content warning: description of sexual assault]

As of 2014, the city had settled 33 lawsuits and paid settlements totaling $1.7 million related to the Daily News reporting.104 The District Attorney’s office withdrew hundreds of drug cases.105 Police created an internal inspector position to monitor narcotics cases106 and created a 22-page document which outlined restrictions on officers dealing with informants.107

Some narcotics officers were transferred and the officers named in the reporting faced only internal charges. Jeffrey Cujdik received three counts of conduct unbecoming of an officer, failure to maintain professional objectivity. Thomas Tolstoy received one count of conduct unbecoming of an officer and neglect of duty for not telling the truth about giving gifts, including cell phones, cigarettes and cash, to informants. Richard Cujdik received one count of neglect of duty for searching a van without a warrant. Robert McDonnell Jr. received one count of conduct unbecoming of an officer for putting the wrong informant as the source for a search-warrant application. Joseph Bologna received counts of neglect of duty and failure to supervise. He appears in the video of the raid of a West Oak Lane corner store, instructing officers to disable security cameras. Since this scandal, Bologna has been promoted twice and became captain of the 19th district in West Philadelphia, where civilian complaints against police increased.108 In 2020 he was twice caught on video109 beating protestors110 who were demonstrating against the police killing of George Floyd.111

Jose Duran, owner of one of the corner stores raided by police eventually lost his business.“It makes me angry. They stole my future. Everything. They must think I'm nobody. I believed in the American dream, and now I see that it's not. The cops– they stole it from me.”112

Wellington Stubbs, the Chief Inspector at the city’s Police Advisory Commission who initially referred the police informant to a Daily News journalist, was told by a supervisor, “[Mayor Michael Nutter] is very upset with you about this and it is going to cost the city a lot of money.” In November 2009, Stubbs was forced to resign under threat he would lose his pension.113

Six Narcotics Field Unit officers indicted in 2014: Thomas Liciardello, Perry Betts, Norman Linwood, Brian Reynolds, John Speiser and Michael Spicer.

Six Narcotics Field Unit officers indicted in 2014: Thomas Liciardello, Perry Betts, Norman Linwood, Brian Reynolds, John Speiser and Michael Spicer.

In 2014, six officers in the Narcotics Field Unit were charged with RICO conspiracy, conspiracy to deprive of civil rights, deprivation of civil rights, Hobbs Act robbery, extortion, carrying a firearm during a crime of violence, falsifying records, and possession with intent to distribute cocaine. The 42-page, 26-count indictment detailed 22 incidents114 involving officers in the Narcotics Field unit between February 2006 and November 2012.115 Prosecutors claimed the officers entered homes without warrants to steal money and drugs, kidnapped people, threatened to shoot people, and resold confiscated narcotics. Police commissioner Charles Ramsey said it was one of the worst cases of police corruption he’d heard in his 40 year career.116 Leading up to the 2014 indictment were a series of cases alleging civil rights violations by officers in the Narcotics Field Unit. In fall of 2012, Larry Krasner, then a civil rights attorney, said in a public court session that the Narcotics Field Unit had been stealing money during raids and that law enforcement officials told him the unit “engaged in a pattern of theft and other falsification during drug arrests.” Attorney Michael Pileggi was also handling some of the civil rights abuse cases, he said that the officers were harassing and threatening his clients.117

In December 2012, the Narcotics Field Unit officers were transferred, though Police Commissioner Ramsey declined to say why. District Attorney Seth Williams’s office said it would no longer call the officers to testify,118 but would not dismiss “properly obtained” convictions related to the narcotics unit.119 Through 2013, approximately 40 civil rights cases were filed against the narcotics officers. In January 2014, Commissioner Ramsey confirmed that a federal grand jury was investigating the officers.120

In July 2014, after a two-year joint investigation by the FBI and local authorities, the US Attorney’s office arrested the six Narcotics Field Unit officers: Thomas Liciardello, Brian Reynolds, Norman Linwood, John Speiser, Michael Spicer, and Perry Betts.121 Investigators used information provided by former Narcotics Field Unit officer Jeffrey Walker to build their case. Walker agreed to cooperate after he was caught in an FBI sting; he pleaded guilty to federal counts of robbery and using a firearm during a violent crime.122 The FBI had attempted to investigate the NFU officers twice, in 2005 and again in 2009. Philadelphia Police Internal Affairs cleared the officers repeatedly.123

Witnesses testified to being robbed, kidnapped, and threatened. One person named in the federal indictment told a Daily News journalist the narcotics officers trashed his family’s house, stole $12,000, and kidnapped and detained him for a week at a hotel near the airport. His wife described Officer Liciardello as having “such a little body and such a big mouth.”124 Another man who had been previously incarcerated had found work setting up recovery houses for people who were struggling with addiction. He described an encounter with Liciardello and the narcotics unit where they drove him around asking him where he had buried some money. A few weeks later they raided a couple of his recovery houses, stole $9,000, planted meth, and took a bottle of Viagra.125 A few people testified that officers held them off of balconies. One person said officers stole $210,000 and a Calvin Klein suit. In a police property receipt, Liciardello reported that only $130,970 was confiscated.”126 Former narcotics officer Jeffrey Walker testified against the officers. In testimony, he described how officers were given a heads up about internal affairs investigations: when one of the narcotics unit officers was to appear before Internal Affairs, a supervisor would get tipped off about the complaint so “squad members could work out a believable cover story.”127 Walker also recalled getting text messages from Liciardello in 2011 that called him “a snitch, a rat.” Another message read, “You're dead to everyone in this squad. Die, rat. I hope you die.”128 The testimony of supervising officers Robert Otto and Joseph McCloskey praised the work of the narcotics officers on trial and criticized Walker, portraying him as weak and troubled. Their testimony directly contradicted a 2007 performance review written by Otto and McCloskey, who wrote of Walker, “It has been a pleasure being your supervising officer.”129

Closing arguments from the officers’ defense called the cops “innocent heroes” and “the best of the best [...] who stand up and carry the flag and uphold the oath that they took [...] they will be children of God.”130

On May 14, 2015 the jury found the six officers not guilty.131 By July all officers were reinstated and paid $90,000 in back pay.132

Two officers involved with this scandal were promoted in 2015. Michael Spicer was promoted to sergeant and Joseph McCloskey, who supervised the narcotics unit, was promoted to lieutenant. The promotions were the result of an agreement between Mayor Michael Nutter and the FOP; the police commissioner said he had not been part of the agreement.133 In 2018, Michael Spicer was put on the “Do Not Call” list– a list of officers that will not be called to testify.134 Jeffrey Walker has since served his 3 ½ year sentence and has been helping defense attorneys challenge wrongful convictions that resulted from his time in the Narcotics Field Unit.135

A decade later, Philadelphians who were wrongly arrested by the Narcotics Field Unit are still trying to put their lives back together. Many of their civil rights cases have been on hold since February 2017. One plaintiff spent 13 years in prison waiting to be exonerated and so far has waited 7 years for restitution. Another plaintiff had been driven around by police for hours, was shot twice after being suspected as a “snitch,” and had spent six months in jail. The city offered him $2,000 to settle his case.136

Tom Liciardello and John Speiser, incidentally photographed hanging out together in a Philadelphia Inquirer profile of Jersey shore bar “The Wedge” in 2017.

Tom Liciardello and John Speiser, incidentally photographed hanging out together in a Philadelphia Inquirer profile of Jersey shore bar “The Wedge” in 2017.

In February 2022, a Philadelphia Inquirer investigation revealed what appears to be extensive fraud perpetrated by police officers. Pennsylvania’s Heart and Lung Act allows officers who claim to be injured to stay out of work indefinitely while collecting full pay and accruing vacation time and other benefits. During 2021, the city paid $24 million in police salaries to officers who are out of work on the Heart and Lung program.

These are not the only instances of police corruption; these are only the largest reported, organized instances of systemic corruption in the police department. Civil rights attorney Bradley Bridge, who has defended against police abuses for over two decades, describes the regularity of police scandals in Philadelphia as occurring “so regularly you can set your watch by them.”138 It is evident that our prevailing policing policies have never worked.

A century of police corruption scandals reveals a pattern of repeated failures. Police are supposed to be accountable to elected officials, who in turn are supposed to be accountable to the citizenry. Yet after major police scandals, elected officials typically not only refuse to address the problem, they deny the problem exists. In the early 20th century, Mayor Smith denied the police were corrupt and instead blamed the district attorney. District Attorney Arlen Specter,139 Police Commissioner Joseph F. O’Neill,140 FOP President Charles Gallagher,141 Rendell chief of staff David L. Cohen,142 and Mayor Michael Nutter143 are just a few who have denied systemic police corruption and instead blamed “bad apples” and “knuckleheads” over the past half century.

Since its founding in 1915, the Fraternal Order of Police has resisted efforts to hold police accountable. When officers were asked by a grand jury to fill out a simple survey, the FOP called it “illegal, downright degrading and an insult.”144 In 1959 the FOP sued the city to abolish the Police Review Board, a civilian police oversight board which had existed only for 14 months.145 The PA Supreme Court ruled against the FOP but the civilian review board was not reconvened.146 In 1986 the FOP sued to keep officers from filling out a background questionnaire.147 The FOP has used minor attempts at police reform as leverage to win bigger contracts. In the years after the 39th district scandal, police reformers called for regularly rotating officers.148149 In contract negotiations with the city in 2014, this simple reform was used as leverage to get a $218 million raise.150 U.S. Attorney William B. Lytton, who won convictions of corrupt Philadelphia cops in the 1980s, noted that the FOP had refused to pay legal fees of officers who cooperated with corruption investigations. He said, “I don't think the average cop, if he says he wants to expose corruption, he will be welcomed with open arms at the FOP.”151

When former Philadelphia police officers have spoken about corruption, several say it is deeply rooted in the force and supervisors ignore it. Charlie Hund was an officer in the One Squad and Five Squad narcotics units who cooperated with investigators. In an interview with the Philadelphia Inquirer he described an atmosphere where narcotics officers openly flaunted their extra income; luxury cars, fine suits, and shore houses. He said his supervisors had to notice these things, and that “The Police Department didn't seem to care, or else they would have policies set up (to stop it). It was just totally acceptable behavior.”

In an essay, former officer James Birch wrote, “why did city officials keep talking about the few “rotten apples” when every officer and citizen knew police corruption was a system problem? Didn't the city hear everyone laughing?” He continues, “I wish police departments and city officials would admit that police corruption results from a system where honest police recruits are placed into a dishonest police subculture.”152 Former Captain Robert Frederick wrote in the Philadelphia Inquirer about police supervisors uninterested in knowing about corruption, saying he’d heard supervisors say, “Just don’t embarrass me. Don’t put me on the spot.”

Police are expected to continue the failed “war on drugs” while more and more of the population is affected by a substance abuse disorder every year.153 And many officers apparently abide by the “blue wall of silence” and stay quiet about the corruption and misconduct of their colleagues.154 Police complain about a “stop snitching culture” while perpetuating that culture themselves.

The short-lived, post-scandal “task force” is often deployed as a solution to police corruption. The announcement of a task force gives politicians the opportunity to appear outraged and accountable while simultaneously shifting responsibility away from themselves. In practice, the findings of these bodies are often ignored. Following the 39th district scandal, Mayor Rendell convened a Police Corruption Task Force.155 It had no subpoena powers, and it only wrote a report that went unnoticed.156 The Police Integrity and Accountability office, established by court order after the 39th district scandal in 1996, released yearly reports on problems within the police department in the years following the scandal. When the court order expired in 2003, the office's positions went unfilled and the office was effectively dissolved.157 James B. Jordan, who was appointed as the first Police Integrity and Accountability Officer, described the convening of task forces and blue ribbon panels as a tactic used by politicians to avoid accountability: “If you want to duck a problem, make it look like you're doing something until enough time passes so that people's attention is focused elsewhere, what better way than to charge a panel to look at it for two years?”158

Over the past century, police have repeatedly proven that they are incapable of policing themselves. Several internal oversight boards have existed and still exist: the Police Court of Inquiry, Police Board of Inquiry, Ethics Accountability Division, Internal Affairs Division are just a few. When Governor Milton J. Shapp ordered an independent investigation of Philadelphia police corruption in 1971, the mayor, district attorney, and police commissioner said the investigation was unnecessary because the police could police themselves.159 In a court memorandum, US District Judge Paul S. Diamond assessed the ineffectiveness of the Internal Affairs Bureau: “The IAB functioned poorly, in part because of a perception that it operated corruptly: investigators did not maintain confidentiality, and preferred Officers were protected by supervisors.”160 Even when internal police review bodies find evidence of police misconduct, consequences can be overruled at the state level. Pennsylvania Legislative Act 111 of 1968 allows an arbitrator to “ignore findings of fact” and reject punishments of police “even if the facts as charged have been proven.”161

Despite repeated, systemic police misconduct, the mayor and city council continue to vote to increase the police budget. Since 1988, there have been several major police corruption scandals, with serious financial consequences for the city, yet the police budget has increased by approximately 12%.162 A former police chief reviewed a 1987 task force report on the Philadelphia Police Department and described a familiar funding cycle: “Often we read about a plea for more funds, usually coupled with the threat that something cherished will be threatened with extinction if the funds don't come through. Six months later the press reveals, of the same needy organization, indictments reflecting collusion, payoffs, double billings, or other frauds. The inevitable inquiry shows that the organization was awash in resources, most of which were being wasted or worse. Secret funds are discovered. Excessive billings come to light. Extravagant expenditures are exposed. It should come as no surprise, although it did to them, that the task force studying the Philadelphia Police Department concluded that the one thing the agency didn't need was more money.”163

Throughout most of the history of the police department, the district attorney’s office and judiciary have believed police testimony without question, and there has never been legitimate and powerful citizen oversight of the police department. The district attorney and judiciary can be moved through local elections, and city council and the mayor can create a police oversight board. While several powerless “advisory” boards have been created, Philadelphia has never had legitimately independent, well-funded, citizen oversight of the Philadelphia Police Department, with the power to subpoena witnesses and police records, and to discipline and fire officers. Hans Menos, previous executive director of the Police Advisory Commission recommended spending at least 1.5% of the police budget on oversight.164 In 2021, the budget of the Police Advisory Commission was 0.2% of the police budget– and by this measure, that agency was underfunded by at least $9 million.

In the short term, the work of journalists, civil rights lawyers, judicial and prosecutorial independence, and legitimate citizen oversight should ensure that policing as we know it does not get worse. Ultimately, elected officials will need to recognize the root of societal issues and have the courage to use the resources of the state to ensure that everyone’s material, spiritual and mental health needs are met.

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  30. Ibid ↩

  31. Ibid ↩

  32. Pennsylvania Crime Commission on Police Corruption and the Quality of Law Enforcement in Philadelphia, p. 77, 1974 ↩

  33. Pennsylvania Crime Commission on Police Corruption and the Quality of Law Enforcement in Philadelphia, p. 78, 1974 ↩

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  37. Ibid ↩

  38. Pennsylvania Crime Commission on Police Corruption and the Quality of Law Enforcement in Philadelphia, p. 82, 1974 ↩

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  88. https://www.hrw.org/legacy/reports98/police/uspo109.htm ↩

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  90. ​​https://www.clearinghouse.net/detail.php?id=1037 ↩

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  96. https://www.pulitzer.org/winners/barbara-laker-and-wendy-ruderman ↩

  97. Ibid ↩

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  104. and Aubrey Whelan INQUIRER STAFF WRITERS, Mike Newall. "Prosecutors won't pursue narcotics-officers case Daily News editor Michael Days defended the Pulitzer- winning reporting: 'We very much stand by our stories.'." Philadelphia Inquirer, The (PA), April 25, 2014: A01. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/14D6C7E7C27691C8. ↩

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  110. Marin, Max. "Philly police commander videotaped beating protesters linked to narcotics scandal, misconduct." Philadelphia Tribune, The (PA), June 5, 2020. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/17B6B75BF4A8CDF0. ↩

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  113. https://www.paed.uscourts.gov/documents/opinions/10D0904P.pdf ↩

  114. Kenny, William. "Narcotics officers arrested in corruption case." Northeast Times (Philadelphia, PA), August 6, 2014. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/150961A0B3553C40. ↩

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  117. McCoyand Jeremy Roebuck, Craig R.. "LONG TRAIL TO OFFICERS' ARREST - Despite allegations of about 30 incidents reported as far back as 2002, internal investigations of the narcotics squad never got traction until late in 2012.." Philadelphia Inquirer, The (PA), August 3, 2014: A01. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/14F77F91DCB169C8. ↩

  118. and Mark Fazlollah INQUIRER STAFF WRITERS, Allison Steele. "6 narcotics unit officers transferred D.A.'s Office no longer wants them testifying in drug cases, sources said.." Philadelphia Inquirer, The (PA), December 6, 2012: A01. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/143106369CB53A58. ↩

  119. Fazlollah, Mark. "Philly D.A. vows not to dismiss proper convictions tied to drug squad." Philadelphia Inquirer, The (PA), January 15, 2013: B01. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/143D4C44A24AB790. ↩

  120. and Aubrey Whelan INQUIRER STAFF WRITERS, Mark Fazlollah. "More narcotics-unit fallout Federal grand jury probing allegations against Phila. officers.." Philadelphia Inquirer, The (PA), January 18, 2014: A01. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/14B77C4C09855508. ↩

  121. Miller, Larry. "6 Philly officers charged in corruption case." Philadelphia Tribune, The (PA), July 30, 2014. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/14F67826CC31E320. ↩

  122. Saksa, Jim. "U.S. Attorney's Office indicts 6 Philly narcotics cops on corruption charges." Philadelphia City Paper (PA), July 30, 2014. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/14F7723A2B6BC0D0. ↩

  123. McCoyand Jeremy Roebuck, Craig R.. "LONG TRAIL TO OFFICERS' ARREST - Despite allegations of about 30 incidents reported as far back as 2002, internal investigations of the narcotics squad never got traction until late in 2012.." Philadelphia Inquirer, The (PA), August 3, 2014: A01. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/14F77F91DCB169C8. ↩

  124. SHAW, JULIE. "Narc cops ransacked home, kidnapped hubby, couple recalls." Philadelphia Daily News (PA), August 1, 2014: 00. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/14F6D7A5ED9DBFE8. ↩

  125. BARBARA LAKER, WENDY RUDERMAN&. "Ex-con recalls 2009 run-in with 2 indicted cops." Philadelphia Daily News (PA), August 1, 2014: 00. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/14F6D7A5C58289A8. ↩

  126. SHAW, JULIE. "Cop asks: 'Head first or feet first?'." Philadelphia Daily News (PA), April 3, 2015: 14. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/1547971B950DB5A0. ↩

  127. Roebuck, Jeremy. "Rogue narcotics officer offers blistering testimony." Philadelphia Inquirer, The (PA), April 15, 2015: A01. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/154B8BFEE360A018. ↩

  128. SHAW, JULIE. "Defense lawyers for alleged rogue cops call federal witnesses 'liars,' feds say cops broke the law." Philadelphia Daily News (PA), March 31, 2015: 12. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/15469A1652A7B220. ↩

  129. INQUIRER STAFF WRITER, Jeremy Roebuck. "Sparks fly in trial of 6 officers Prosecutor, FBI agent had been harsh on police supervisors. Then came their turn.." Philadelphia Inquirer, The (PA), May 1, 2015: A01. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/155111412B64AC50. ↩

  130. SHAW, JULIE. "Jurors hear final closing arguments in narcotics cops trial." Philadelphia Daily News (PA), May 7, 2015: 10. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/1552CB7D98293610. ↩

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  132. INQUIRER STAFF WRITER, Robert Moran. "City officers acquitted of corruption get jobs back." Philadelphia Inquirer, The (PA), July 11, 2015: B01. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/15691F1C308FDE98. ↩

  133. Aubrey Whelan, Mark Fazlollahand. "Officer acquitted in corruption case gets promotion." Philadelphia Inquirer, The (PA), November 14, 2015: B01. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/1591C20DC2D92FE0. ↩

  134. Palmer, Chris. "Under shadow, but still on force Nine officers listed as too problematic to testify are still on the job. Critics see a failure in police disclipine.." Philadelphia Inquirer, The (PA), March 8, 2018: A01. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/16A88299D27C1610. ↩

  135. Steve Volk. "The Justice System Is Screwing Meek Mill. Is It Also Screwing the Cop Who Arrested Him? - In the past year, Philly rapper Meek Mill has become a symbol for America’s urgent need for criminal justice reform. And Reggie Graham, the cop who collared him in 2007, has emerged as a stand-in for bad police everywhere. But that’s not the whole story.." Philadelphia Magazine (PA), June 15, 2018. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/16C9041CE7A185E8. ↩

  136. STAFF WRITER, Samantha Melamed. "Still no justice, a decade after false arrest." Philadelphia Daily News (PA), January 18, 2021: 5. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/18016003BB3C7978. ↩

  137. STAFF WRITER, Tommy Rowan. "Hang time: Shoobie, or not shoobie?." Philadelphia Inquirer, The (PA), August 13, 2017: B01. NewsBank: Access World News – Historical and Current. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=WORLDNEWS&docref=news/1664EDBF68A359D0. ↩

  138. Volk, Steve. "Krasner: 'We'd Like to Get to the Truth' About Cop at Center of Meek Mill Case - In a new interview, Philly’s DA says that his office hasn’t “rendered a judgment” on whether retired narcotics officer Reggie Graham is actually guilty of corruption allegations that were cited in Mill’s bid for a new trial.." Philadelphia Magazine (PA), December 20, 2018. NewsBank: Access World News. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/news/document-view?p=AWNB&docref=news/17073BA9E7B38360. ↩

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This post is part of Philly Power Research's “Beyond Policing” series. This series is continuing work that was previously led by Movement Alliance Project over the past two years exploring how Philadelphia can invest in our communities to improve public safety instead of investing in policing. MAP's "Safety We Can Feel" campaign included a survey of 1300 Philadelphia residents and dozens of interviews on how to build strong, healthy, and safe communities.

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